A colony of rebellious subjects?

EditorHow have we got here?

In 2006, the Catalan parliament made a serious offer to update its relationship with Spain and renew the pact made during the transition to democracy at the end of Franco’s dictatorship. This offer, the new “Statute” or home rule charter, was negotiated, watered down, passed in Madrid’s Congress and Senate, and eventually approved in a referendum. Originally spear-headed by then-Catalan president Pasqual Maragall, of the Catalan socialist party, it failed due to the opportunism of the other main Spanish political party. That party, the Partido Popular, had no scruples in using Catalonia as a catalyst for its Spanish nationalism and to oppose the socialist government in Madrid [the PSC is the Catalan branch of the PSOE] while it made a deal with them on the economy and ETA. “We can only show that we are the opposition when we disagree on Catalonia” said PP leader Mariano Rajoy to a regional socialist leader. Stirring things up against Catalonia had benefits for the PP, with its talk of confrontation with other Spanish regions. In those days, the PP still believed that a deal with the Catalans would depend on a reasonable financial settlement and, if tensions increased, on agreements that wouldn’t really have to be met unless their parliamentary majority, aided by the Basque nationalists, couldn’t be retained.

The political effort to agree on a new Statute failed with the verdict handed down by a Constitutional Court disgraced by its partisanship and lack of renewal.

This ruling killed the interpretation of the Constitution that allowed Catalonia to feel included within Spain. The “disaffection” then-president Montilla spoke of culminated in 2017 with the election of a pro-independence Catalan president and a parliament most of which wants to see an independence referendum, preferably one under terms agreed with Madrid.

The seven year period since the Constitutional Court’s verdict has been frustrating for advocates of dialogue and compromise. Catalan politics hasn’t only seen a normalisation of separatism but also, with the dominance of the conflict with Spain, a transformation in the political party system. ERC has rebuilt itself, opened up and decided to fly the flag for a pragmatic path to independence and the fight against corruption. Convergència, under Artur Mas, embraced separatism and became the main proponent of a referendum. The unofficial 2014 vote they spearheaded didn’t only lead to some of their key members being temporarily banned from public office but also, after the 2015 regional election and their coalition with the CUP, saw them suspend the liberal ideology that had characterised the social centre since 2003. Their regeneration as PDECat is already in progress.

MEANWHILE, THE PP GOVERNMENT…

The PP government has acted the way its leader, Mariano Rajoy, acts: believing that his opponent will make the first mistake. Somewhere between contemplation and a judo match, Rajoy contained those who demanded colourful action from him and, instead, opted for deconstructing Catalonia’s self-rule with new legislation and taking over its finances, controlling its liquidity and making public spending conditional on it. With the help of the courts he has so far dodged his responsibility to take political action. He has treated Catalonia like a colony with rebellious subjects who persist in their error, instead of the citizens of a country which is one of the fundamental pillars of Spain’s economic growth and a contributor to its diversity. The PP has shown that it thinks of decentralised Spain as an anomaly and it has allies in imposing uniformity: the machinery of the state, the PSOE and Ciudadanos.

SO, NOW WHAT?

Spain will be making a mistake if it overestimates its formal power (hard power) and underestimates the informal power (soft power) that Catalonia has. Catalan society is a peaceful one, impeccable in its democratic expression and resolutely determined to vote. Spain mustn’t forget that, in a democracy, you always, always end up voting

Spin and shadow play can change the reading of the situation and the strengths of both sides.

It is the same in Catalonia, where you could make the error of confusing tenacity and determination with a futile stubbornness that is just for show. Not knowing how to manoeuvre and not playing politics when needed, not realising that the exceptional circumstances don’t justify violating the framework of democratic coexistence in a 21st-century European democracy with a modern economy. The offer of a deal has always been there and international democratic standards must always be respected to safeguard the internal legitimacy and the ability to win the argument at home and abroad.

RELAY

When the government calls the referendum, the ability to demand the vote and the burden of proof of its viability will fall on the public opinion. The members of the government and many senior officials could end up banned from public office and facing tough financial penalties on a personal level. In fact, the current situation of those tried over the 2014 vote shouldn’t be forgotten – most have disappeared from the public stage. The government will have to act responsibly and realistically to maintain the broadest possible support for the referendum and clear democratic guarantees. The vote’s supporters will be called upon to show their explicit backing. Then we will see if there is a sufficient degree of popular involvement or we will see what a venerable elderly man from Tiana used to say whenever an effort was needed: “let’s go and you unload it!”